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Message of Gratitude and Solidarity for Continuing Struggle

Posted by Indian Vanguard on September 22, 2007


By Jose Maria Sison
Founding Chairman, Communist Party of the Philippines NDFP Chief Political Consultant Chairperson, International League of Peoples’ Struggle 19 September 2007

Dear Comrades and Friends,

Warmest greetings of solidarity!

I am deeply pleased and thankful to all of you for holding this discussion meeting in order to focus on my case, reaffirm your
solidarity, rejoice in my temporary release from prison and prepare for the struggle ahead.

I am very happy to be free from 17 days of solitary confinement in a cell 2.5 meters wide, 3.5 meters long and 3.5 meters high and from 7 days of intensive interrogation of 5 to 6 hours daily under overheated lamps above my head. The Rechtbank of The Hague has found no sufficient evidence for my further pre-trial detention.

For my release, I am very grateful both to my lawyers for their competence in the legal struggle and to the parties, mass organizations, personages and the broad masses of the people in Germany and many other countries for their militancy in the political struggle to defend my rights and demand my freedom.

The physical constraints and psychological torture that I had to suffer in the Dutch Scheveningen version of Guantanamo reminded me of the same painful experience which I had endured under the Marcos fascist dictatorship.

But the pain in this latest ordeal is made more acute by the fact that I have absolutely nothing to do with the false and politically motivated charge of inciting two incidents resulting in the killing of certain military assets of the Arroyo regime named Kintanar and Tabara. As a matter of fact, I have nothing to do with these incidents. Thus, there can be no direct evidence and no sufficient evidence against me.

The publications of the Communist Party of the Philippines and New People’s Army have repeatedly explained that the NPA teams assigned to arrest the aforesaid individuals for certain criminal offenses upon the order of the people’s court had to give them battle because they were armed and dangerous and resisted arrest.

No less than the prosecution office of the justice department of the Manila government has categorized the Kintanar and Tabara incidents, not as acts of murder, but specific acts of rebellion in the charge of rebellion against me and 50 others in the Philippines. The Philippine Supreme Court nullified on 2 July 2007 this charge of rebellion, including such specifications as the Kintanar and Tabara incidents and the supposed evidence for these.

Nevertheless, the sword of Damocles still hangs over my head. The Dutch prosecution office has filed an appeal before the Court of Appeals to have me put back in pre-trial detention or solitary confinement. Right now, according to news reports, six officials of the Dutch ministry of justice and national police are in Manila to consult with their Philippine counterparts.


I face tremendous odds. There are two imperialist powers and one puppet government interested in destroying me physically and politically. You are already aware that most of the testimonies against me in the charge of inciting murder were produced in the US embassy and the rest in the Dutch embassy and the former US Clark Air Base, now administered by the Manila government. There is widespread concern that the charge of inciting murder is merely the pretext for conducting raids and fishing for the evidence to make a charge of terrorism.

It is therefore necessary for all of us to remain vigilant and militant and to persevere in political struggle in order to defend the democratic rights not only of myself but also many others like the chairperson and members of the NDFP Negotiating Panel, the consultants and staffers whose office and homes have already been raided. We must strive to stop the escalating fascist acts of persecution against those who advocate and fight for national liberation and the socialist future.

All efforts must be exerted to stop the baseless charge of inciting murder against me as well as the scheme to trump up the charge of terrorism against me and other Filipinos who have worked so hard to uphold, defend and advance the cause of national freedom, democracy, social justice, development and a just peace in the Philippines. We hope that the struggle to defend the rights of persecuted Filipinos contributes to the advance of the people’s struggle the world over for national liberation, democracy and socialism against imperialism and all reaction.###

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Philippine revolutionary José María Sison is free!

Posted by Indian Vanguard on September 19, 2007


Posted by parisar on September 19th, 2007

The district court (Rechtsbank) in The Hague has ordered the release of José María Sison, founding chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines.

Professor Sison had been arrested by the Dutch police on 28 August and held in solitary confinement, without visits from family or his doctor. On 13 September, a court hearing was held to consider the authorities’ request that he be jailed an additional 90 days previous to trial on charges that he had ordered the killing of two former CPP members in 2003 and 2006 in the Philippines. Previously the Filipino Supreme Court dropped these charges against Sison; it was the Dutch government itself that decided to arrest and try him in Holland on the same charges.

The party’s involvement in the death of the two men does not seem to be in dispute. Statements from self-described CPP representatives said that they had been shot while resisting arrest at the hands of the party. The party had intended to put them on trial for crimes committed after they left the CPP, namely working with Philippine military intelligence in the one case and killing an elderly peasant leader in the other.

>The district court found there was insufficient evidence to support a presumption that Sison had “participated in” or “incited” the acts. Nevertheless, the court ruled only on the legality of Sison’s imprisonment, and apparently the charges themselves have not been formally dropped. The written decision explicitly says it does not “prejudice” (contradict) “the justified suspicion that the accused during the period described in the charges played a leading role in the aforementioned organizations” (the party and its Central Committee). “There are also indications that the accused is still playing a leading role in the (underground) activities of the CC, the CPP and the NPA [New People’s Army],” it said.

The idea that the facts of this case, real or alleged, might have much to do with comrade Sison’s arrest is contradicted by the Dutch authorities’ behaviour toward him for the past two decades. The “terrorist” label and charges brought against him have had no other purpose than the criminalizing of revolution.

He was forced into exile in the Netherlands in 1988 when the Philippine government cancelled his passport while he was travelling abroad. The Dutch government turned down his requests for political asylum, despite the fact that as the recognized leader of a widely supported revolutionary struggle involving millions of people, he might seem like a textbook example of the kind of person the concept of asylum is supposed to protect. Instead, he has faced a series of flimsy charges that have fallen apart one after the other.

Following the baton of the US government, in 2002 the Dutch government placed his name on its “terrorist” list, without explanation, despite the complete lack of any charges against him at that point. This blacklisting has meant serious restrictions of his ability to work, travel and live. It was adopted by the European Union, and it still stands, despite a recent ruling by a European Union court that this status was unfairly imposed on him.

At the same time as the 68-year-old Sison was tricked into presenting himself at a police station on false pretences so he could be arrested, his home in Utrecht and those of seven staff members of the CPP-led Philippine National Democratic Front in the Netherlands were raided and their documents, computers and boxloads of potential data storage devices confiscated. Police broke into Sison’s apartment and threatened and manhandled his wife, Julieta de Lima. Supporters called for a legal struggle to prevent the Dutch authorities from sharing whatever information they found with the Filipino government, which could very well lead to the arrest, torture and murder of contacts there, and to return the property.

During the 17 days Sison was held, more than 20 demonstrations demanding his release took place in the Philippines, Europe, North America and Asia. A groundswell of public opinion ranging from ordinary Filipinos everywhere to prominent international personalities demanded his release

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Details about Jose Maria Sison’s Arrest

Posted by Indian Vanguard on September 11, 2007



Philippine Revolutionary Leader Arrested in the Netherlands
by Dave Pugh

Jose Maria Sison has been a leading figure of the Philippine national democratic revolution for almost 40 years. He is one of the pioneers who revived the anti-imperialist movement in the Philippines in the early 1960s, and he was elected chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines in 1968 when it was refounded on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. For nine years, he was the most prominent political prisoner of the U.S.-supported dictator, Ferdinand Marcos. After living for nearly twenty years in the Netherlands as a political refugee, Sison is in prison again.

On the morning of August 27, 2007, Sison was arrested in Utrecht, the Netherlands, on trumped up murder charges. The Dutch police kicked down doors and ransacked Sison’s apartment. The Dutch police also raided the houses of several staff members of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) and confiscated computers and files in an attempt to shut down the NDFP’s international solidarity work.

Sison has been in the crosshairs of successive U.S. puppet Philippine regimes since his release from prison in 1986 as a result of the “people power” uprising that brought down the Marcos regime. While Sison was on a university lecture tour in Europe in 1988, the Philippine government of Corazon Aquino stripped him of his passport. A year later, the military offered a one million peso bounty for his “arrest, capture or neutralization.” Sison has remained a political refugee in the Netherlands since 1988 because of continued threats to his life by the Philippine authorities. As recently as 2000, a special unit was sent to the Netherlands to murder Sison.

In 1992, Sison was invited by the NDFP to be its Chief Political Consultant in peace negotiations with the Philippine government. The NDFP is composed of the CPP, the New People’s Army (which has established more than 120 guerilla fronts on all eleven major islands of the archipelago), and 15 groups based among workers, peasants, women, youth, the religious sector, the Muslim Moro people, and the many indigenous groups in the Philippines. The NDFP’s national democratic program calls for the uprooting of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat capitalism in the Philippines, leading to the socialist stage of the revolution.

Over the course of a decade, the NDFP has held peace talks with the Philippine government. The two sides have signed ten bilateral agreements, including the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law in 1998. The CARHRIHL requires both sides in the armed conflict to refrain from acts of terrorism against the civilian population and soldiers who are hors de combat. However, the Philippine government has undermined the agreement by objecting to setting up enforcement mechanisms.

More importantly, the government of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has violated the CARHRIHL and international humanitarian law by orchestrating the murder and disappearance of more than 1,000 civilian political activists during the last six years. These activists have included workers and peasants, priests and pastors, and members of the Bayan Muna (People First) party that recently elected three representatives to Congress in spite of massive voter fraud.

While the Philippine army sends out squads of motorcycle-riding masked soldiers to assassinate those whose only crime is opposition to a corrupt, brutal regime, the revolutionary forces strongly oppose terrorist actions and terrorism as a strategy. The NDF, the CPP, and the NPA recognize that they must gain and maintain the active participation and support of the people in the revolution. They use their limited weapons judiciously and precisely only against the military and those guilty of serious offenses against the people. Nevertheless, the U.S. and the European Union have listed the CPP and the NPA as “terrorist organizations” and have tried to blacken the reputation of Sison by designating him as a terrorist.

In response to a question on this issue at a press conference in 2002, Sison replied, “Terrorism is usually associated with the assassination of innocent civilians, the wanton destruction of property, the maltreatment of captives and the like. These are precisely the kinds of things that the New People’s Army never does. The NPA is treating the people humanely and is respecting their human rights. It abides strictly by its own Rules of Discipline, and the organs of people power follow the Guide for Establishing the People’s Democratic Government, which serves as the Constitution for the areas under NPA control.”

The Dutch police claim that in 2003, Sison ordered the murders of two ex-leaders of the CPP, Romulo Kintanar and Arturo Tabara. At that time, the New People’s Army, based in the Philippines, announced that Kintanar and Tabara were killed resisting arrest and were slated to be tried by people’s courts for serious crimes committed after they left the CPP. Kintanar had been working for Philippine army intelligence, and Tabara was charged with the murder of an elderly peasant leader. The CPP publicly took credit for administering “revolutionary justice” to Kintanar and Tabara. For over 20 years, the CPP has stated that Sison is no longer involved in operational decisions and that he serves the revolutionary movement in an advisory capacity in Europe.

Why Now?

Why has Sison come under attack now? Over the past year, the Philippine government has been on the defensive for its human rights violations. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights have issued reports harshly critical of the Philippine government and army. After hearings in the spring of 2007, 48 U.S. Senators and Representatives sent a letter to the Arroyo government expressing concern that U.S. military equipment was being used to commit human rights abuses.

In July 2007 the Philippine Supreme Court dismissed a long list of charges against Sison and 50 other progressives, including the murders of Kintanar and Tabara, that spanned the period from the founding of the CPP in 1968 to 2006. This legal defeat for the Philippine government may have prompted it to request that the Dutch government file the murder charges against Sison, which mean he will be tried in the Netherlands instead of the Philippines.

The Netherlands has a long and notorious colonial past in Southeast Asia (Indonesia) and South America (Surinam and the Dutch Antilles). Today, it is the third largest trading partner and the second largest investor in the Philippines. Dutch conglomerates such as Royal Dutch Shell (oil), Unilever (consumer products), and Phillips (electronics) are well entrenched. Their exploitation of the labor and natural resources of the Philippines is administered by the Arroyo government and guaranteed by U.S. military equipment and advisors.

The U.S. government was quick to respond to the Dutch police action. American ambassador Kristie Kenney offered to extend support to the Dutch government to prosecute Sison. While the U.S. seems to allowing the Dutch government to take a lead role at this point, Sison could be kidnapped by the CIA or U.S. Special Forces. According to the CPP in the Philippines, the U.S. government has had standing plans to subject Sison to extraordinary rendition and to imprison him in Guantanamo Bay or a secret U.S. detention facility.

At present, Sison, 68, is being held in solitary confinement in the Dutch National Penitentiary, which was used by the Nazis during World War 2 to imprison and torture Dutch resistance fighters. He is being denied warm clothing and medicines for a heart condition. However, Sison is familiar with prison, and his voice will not silenced easily. On August 30, a march on the Dutch embassy in Manila was attacked by truncheon-wielding police, injuring dozens of people. In the last week, demonstrations have been held at Dutch embassies, consulates, and government offices in Amsterdam, Hong Kong, Jakarta, Sydney, Taipei, Vancouver, B.C., Montreal, New York City, and Los Angeles, with more actions planned.

Read Recent posts on Sison

Manthly Review

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Interview With Prof. Jose Maria Sison

Posted by Indian Vanguard on September 11, 2007



By Enrico Piovesana
PEACE REPORTER
Via Meravigli, 12
20123 Milano, Italia
20 August 2007

Enrico Piovesana (EP): Prof. Sison, could you please tell us briefly about
your personal and political history, from your childhood up to becoming an
“International terrorist”?

Professor Jose Maria Sison (JMS): I am not a terrorist. I stand for
principles and actions that are for the benefit of the people fighting for
national liberation, democracy and socialism. I am a Filipino patriot and a
proletarian internationalist, not an “international terrorist” by any
suggestion. Communists are not terrorists. European governments are wrong
for following the Bush line that communists, progressive mass leaders,
national liberation movements and anti-imperialist governments are
terrorists. The imperialist powers are engaged in fascisation on a global
scale.

By my writings and political acts, I am well-known for opposing policies and
actions that harm or work against the interests of the people. I stand up
for the rights and interests of the people and support their revolutionary
struggles. I have strongly opposed micro-terrorists like Al Qaida and Abu
Sayyaf and macro-terrorists like the US and other imperialist powers that
kill large numbers of people through the daily violence of exploitation,
state terrorism and wars of aggression.

You can get the biographical information about me from the book, At Home in
the World: Portrait of a Filipino Revolutionary. At any rate, here are a few
facts. I was born on February 8, 1939 in Cabugao, Ilocos Sur, Philippines. I
took my grade school in this town and high school in Manila. I took my
bachelor and masteral courses at the University of the Philippines and I
taught English literature and political science subjects in two
universities. I was active in the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal mass
movement. I became the chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist
Party of the Philippines from 1968 to 1977. I was arrested, tortured and
detained by the Marcos fascist dictatorship from 1977 to 1986.

I was released from military detention after the fall of Marcos in 1986 and
rejoined the faculty of the University of the Philippines. I went on a
university lecture tour in the Asia-Pacific region and then in Europe from
late 1986 onwards. When my Philippine passport was cancelled in 1988, I
applied for political asylum in The Netherlands. I am now the chief
political consultant of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines
(NDFP) in peace negotiations with the reactionary Government of the Republic
of the Philippines (GRP). Ironically, it is in connection with the GRP-NDFP
peace negotiations that the CPP, New People’s Army NPA) and I have been
blacklisted as “terrorists” by the US and other foreign governments upon the
lobbying of the GRP in order to pressure the NDFP towards capitulation.

EP: How would you describe the nature of NPA struggle: history, strength,
spread, activities, social support, mid-term and long-term goals?

JMS: The Communist Party of the Philippines describes the New People’s Army
as the main weapon for protracted people’s war and seizure of political
power along the line of the new democratic revolution under the leadership
of the working class in the concrete conditions of the Philippines. The NPA
was established on March 29, 1969, a few months after the reestablishment of
the CPP in 1968. It has carried out fighting, political, productive and
cultural tasks for more than 38 years. It is deeply and widely based among
the people, mainly the peasantry.

It has more than 120 guerrilla fronts. It operates in 70 of the 81 provinces
of the Philippines, 800 out of 1500 Philippine municipalities and in more
than 10,000 out of the 42,000 Philippine villages. It has been instrumental
in the establishment and development of mass organizations and organs of
political power. It has generated and supported social programs and mass
campaigns for the benefit of the people in mass education, land reform,
production, health, defense, cultural activities and settlement of disputes.

The goals announced by the NPA are to seize political power in order to
complete the new democratic revolution and establish a people’s republic and
then to become the main component of state power and defender of the people
in socialist revolution and construction in the Philippines.

EP: What’s your reply to those who say that nowadays a Maoist guerrilla
fighting for a socialist state is anachronistic?

JMS: The NPA cannot be anachronistic by fighting for national liberation and
democracy against US imperialism and the local exploiting classes of big
compradors and landlords. It is the new democratic force that is striving to
defeat such anachronistic monsters as imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat
capitalism which exploit and oppress the broad masses of the people.

By the time that the NPA succeeds in defeating these anachronistic monsters,
then the people shall have accumulated the strength necessary for building
socialism under conditions of an imperialism much weakened by accelerated
crisis under such policies as “free market” globalization and global war of
terror spearheaded by US monopoly capitalism. The world capitalist system
has a growing tendency to implode because of the increased number of
competing imperialist powers and the growing resistance of the people of the
world.

EP: The CPP program states that the future socialist State will have special
relations with the People’s Republic of China. Many people say that NPA is
even armed by China. Why do you still consider China a revolutionary state,
even if it has become a completely capitalist country?

JMS: At the time that the CPP program was formulated in 1968, the People’s
Republic of China was still a socialist state and was practically the center
of the world proletarian revolution through the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution. But since then, especially after 1976, CPP documents and
publications have been criticizing the revisionists and capitalist
restorationists that have prevailed over the Marxist-Leninists in China. As
you say, China has become capitalist and is no longer a revolutionary state.
I refer you to CPP documents and publications criticizing and condemning
“free market” globalization in sharp contrast to China’s conformity to this
policy pushed by the US and other imperialist powers.

EP: Could you explain what the ‘Oplan Bantay Laya’ is and its effects on
civilians and political activists?

JMS: Oplan Bantay Laya is a “national internal security plan” patterned
after Oplan Phoenix of the US in Vietnam during the late 1960s. It seeks to
destroy the political infrastructure and the guerrilla fronts of the armed
revolutionary movement. It is instigated by the US in the context of its
policy of global war of terror. The US has described the Philippines as the
second front of such global war. It has introduced thousands of US military
troops in the Philippines and increased military supplies to its Filipino
puppets to push them on a counterrevolutionar

y rampage in the name of
anti-terrorism.

Oplan Bantay Laya has brought about the extrajudicial killing, forced
disappearance and torture of more than a thousand progressive legal
activists, including leaders of progressive mass organizations, journalists,
lawyers, religious leaders and other activists who advocate human rights,
social justice and just peace. It has also brought about the brutal
displacement of more than one million people mainly in the countryside, in
addition to a previous level of two million internal refugees. The forced
displacement of the people is calculated to divest them of their land and to
deliver this to foreign mining, agribusiness and recreation companies.

Oplan Bantay Laya aims to destroy the armed revolution and legal opposition
and to intimidate the people. But it has failed to destroy a single
guerrilla front of the NPA. It has only served to fuel the flames of the
armed revolution. The gross and systematic violations of the human rights of
the progressive legal activists have outraged the Filipino people and the
people of the world. The progressive legal mass movement has risen up to a
new level against the escalating acts of violence against the people by the
US and the local reactionaries. Even international human rights
organizations and human rights agencies of the UN have pointed to the
criminal responsibility of the Filipino puppet rulers headed by Arroyo.

EP: The situation will get worse from now on with the new anti-terror law:
the Human Security Act enforced on July 15?

JMS: Indeed, the human rights situation will get worse with the
anti-terror- law, which is deceptively called Human Security Act of 2007. The
definitions of “terrorism” and “conspiracy to commit terrorism” are vague
and overly broad. It becomes very easy for the Arroyo regime to take
punitive actions against any individual,, any organization and any party in
the opposition. The punitive actions include limitless surveillance,
warrantless arrests, indefinite detention without bail, proscription as
“terrorists” and seizure of properties and financial assets.

EP: Do you think that under Arroyo’s leadership, Philippines is going
backward to the Marcos dictatorship era?

JMS: In many respects and to a great extent, the Arroyo regime is already
very much on the fascist road of the Marcos dictatorship. Especially with
the HSA of 2007, the Arroyo regime has gotten a license for martial rule
without having to declare martial law and comply with requirements set by
the anti-fascist provisions of the 1987 constitution

EP: What is the role of US military in supporting Philippines troops? Only
training and logistical support or something more?

JMS: The role of the US military in supporting Philippine troops is not
limited to weapons training and logistical support. It is to indoctrinate
the puppet officers and troops and enhance their subservience, mercenary
character and puppetry to US political and military plans in East Asia and
the world at large, It is to gain intelligence from the puppet forces
against the Filipino people as well as to provide intelligence to the puppet
forces in order to condition their thinking and operations. It is to lay
anew and develop the infrastructure for direct US military presence and
operations in the Philippines and for US military intervention and
aggression in Southeast Asia, East Asia and farther afield.

EP: Official figures put at 40 thousand the death toll of the ‘People War’.
Do you confirm this number? Is it true that the conflict is now in an
escalating phase?

JMS: It is wrong for anyone to ascribe the death toll of 40,000 or whatever
number to the people’s war .. We must make clear that this number refers to
the people killed by the military, police and paramilitary forces of the
reactionary government in the course of anti-NPA campaigns of suppression as
early as during the time of the Marcos fascist dictatorship. Since after the
fall of the Marcos regime, the number would have significantly increased to
60,000 with the count of victims in the brutal campaigns of anti-communist
military suppression under the regimes of Aquino, Ramos, Estrada and Arroyo.

Being the army of the people, the NPA strictly directs its fire against the
military, police and paramilitary forces of the oppressive regime. There is
an estimate that since 1969 the NPA has killed more than 30,000 enemy troops
and wounded many more and the reactionary military and police have killed
around 10,000 Red fighters and more than 50,000 civilians. These figures
exclude the casualties in the fighting between the reactionary armed forces
and the Moro liberation forces.

EP: What about the peace negotiations started in Brussels in 1995?

JMS: The peace negotiations between the National Democratic Front of the
Philippines (NDFP) and the Government of the Republic of the Philippines
(GRP) have made some progress in the form of agreements within the framework
of The Hague Joint Declaration of 1992. The most significant of the
agreements is the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and
International Humanitarian Law, which is the first item in the substantive
agenda of the peace negotiations.

But under various pretexts, the GRP has blocked the further advance of the
peace negotiations by repeated attempts to require the NDFP to capitulate
and by repeated declarations of prolonged recesses, suspension of talks and
even the termination of the negotiations. The peace negotiations become
paralyzed every time the GRP demands the surrender of the revolutionary
forces and stops the negotiations as a process for addressing the roots of
the armed conflict and agreeing on social, economic and political reforms
for the benefit of the people.

EP: What do you think about the other Philippine armed conflict: the one
between goverment and Moro Islamic Liberation Front? And what is your
opinion about the Abu Sayyaf Group?

JMS: The Moro people have the right to national self-determination,
democracy, development and peaceful enjoyment of their ancestral domain.
They have the right to secede from an oppressive state and to demand
regional autonomy in a nonoppressive state. The Moro Islamic Liberation
Front (MILF) is waging a just revolutionary armed struggle along the line of
upholding, protecting and promoting the national and democratic rights and
interests of the Moro people.

The Abu Sayyaf is different . It was originally organized by the CIA and
Philippine military intelligence in 1991 in order to make trouble on the
flanks of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). But when the MNLF
capitulated to the GRP in 1996, the Abu Sayyaf appeared to run out of
control of the CIA and Philippine reactionary military. Now, it is being
used by the US as pretext for the continuing presence of US military forces
in Mindanao and the entire Philippines.

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Release Com: Sison Immediately

Posted by Indian Vanguard on September 3, 2007

We strongly condemn the arrest and detention of Jose
Mario Sison a leading Maoist revolutionary of the
Phillipines by the Netherlands government.This is an
outcome of a conspiracy orchestrated by the US
imperialists to save the comprador Arroyo regime and a
direct attack on the great People’s War led by the
Communist Party of the Phillipines.

Krantipriya
Spokesperson

Communist Party of India (marxist-Leninist) NAXALBARI
September 2, 2007

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Sison arrested: Emergency Action Alert

Posted by Indian Vanguard on September 1, 2007

Sison arrested: Emergency Action Alert

RELEASE JOMA SISON!
Fil-Am Alliance Condemns Dubious Arrest
of NDF Political Consultant

The US Chapter of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan, or BAYAN USA, an alliance of over 12 Filipino organizations in the US, vehemently condemned the arrest of the National Democratic Front Chief Political Consultant Jose Maria Sison last night by the Dutch Police on false charges of multiple murders.

The alliance further condemned the raiding of homes by the Dutch police of the NDF personnel.

Sison was arrested last night for multiple murders of Romulo Kintanar and Arturo Tabara. Police say Sison ordered the murders from the Netherlands back in 2003. Sison will be put on trial in the Netherlands, not the Philippines.

While the New People’s Army has already come forward with admittance to the killings, Sison maintains he is not in the leadership of the NPA nor the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP).

BAYAN USA maintains the real reasons for Sison’s arrest are political not criminal. Emergency actions will also be set at Dutch consulates across the country calling for Sison’s immediate release. [see below]

“Behind the actions of the Dutch police is the Arroyo government, which since its ascendency has been in pursuit of Joma Sison and worked tirelessly to subdue his meaning to the people,” states BAYAN USA Chair Chito Quijano.

The alliance, a member of the International League of Peoples Struggle, an international organization of which Sison serves as Chair, has been calling for a de-listing of Sison from the US and EU terrorist lists.

“It is in every interest of the US and Arroyo governments to confine Professor Sison for his politics. As the Chief Political Consultant to the organization that comprises one half of the stalled NDF-GRP peace negotiations, the Arroyo government is declaring to the world it is not interested in resuming peace talks,” Quijano added.

BAYAN USA has also supported the resumption of peace talks between the NDF and GRP. The Arroyo administration just recently called to intensify the all-out war in Mindanao under the auspices of the US War on Terror as a measure to raise its annual pork barrel of military aid from the US government.

BAYAN USA also asserted it’s been a year of hot water for the Arroyo administration, with isolation from human rights watchdogs such as the UNHRC, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and even a US Senate hearing that may influence US military aid to the Philippines. Sison, a political refugee in the Netherlands for nearly 20 years, has been one of the most famous and vocal critics of the Arroyo regime.

Earlier this year, a European court nullified Sison’s terrorist listing. Since his listing of 2001, Sison had his assets frozen and right to work stripped. Sison remains on the US State Department’s terrorist list.

For more information, contact BAYAN USA.

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