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Oust Reliance !

Posted by Indian Vanguard on June 4, 2007

Link V Naxal Revolution

Comrade Arasubalraj took part in a massive rally against Reliance Fresh in Chennai,
on 1st of May he posts the following report on his blog.

The meaning of May Day is rubbished in India primarily by the pseudo-communist parties CPI and CPI (M) and by the ruling class parties like Congress, BJP etc., Historically May Day came in to existence to commemorate the Haymarket Martyrs of 1886 who fought for the Eight-Hour work day. The remaining eight-hours other than work and sleep for which the workers fought is not for entertainment as interpreted today. It is for organising the working class to build their future. Hence May Day cannot be celebrated as yet another holiday to rest at home or to distribute sweets as a ceremony to apoliticise and castrate the working class.

With this understanding, People’s and Literary Association (PALA) and its associate organisations namely New Democratic Labour Front (NDLF), Peasants Liberation Front (PLF) and Revolutionary Students Youth Front (RSYF) in Tamilnadu set specific political agenda for every May Day to organise the working class to make conscious of its duty. Hence, for the past two decades, May Day in Tamilnadu is marked with arousing protests, agitations and conferences by PALA. This year, as announced earlier, as part of the one month campaign against Reliance and MNC’s entering in Retail sector, PALA organised the protests encircling Reliance Fresh Shops. The one month campaign had 1,50,000 pamphlets, thousands of posters and wall writings and 25,000 booklets covering all over Tamilnadu but the primary focus was on Chennai as at present Reliance has started shops only in Chennai. The intensive campaign involved the doorstep propaganda in and around areas of Reliance shops.

The arousing march was flagged off by Comrade.Mukundan, President of NDLF and it started from the Koyambedu Market which is at the verge of extinction due to the Reliance entry in Chennai. The fervent slogans raised by the comrades of these organisations exposed the political parties, bureaucracy and Reliance while upholding the Naxalbari Revolutionaries as the only alternative to face the Recolonisation onslaught. The Revolutionary songs of PALA arts troupe roared in the air. Children and women carried the placards defying the scorching heat. The march reached the Reliance Fresh shop at Virugambakkam Market Road one in sense and two thousand in numbers.

The shop was closed expecting the protest and the police were all ready with barricades. Comrade Marudhaiyan, Secretary of PALA and Comrade Kaliappan, Joint-Secretary of PALA gave speeches explaining the movement. As the one-month campaign in various forms already reached the people of that area, they came in large numbers to watch the agitation bearing the three-hour traffic jam. The comrades got arrested 50 yards before the shop. When they all were carried in Police vans, Koyambedu trader’s union designators came to wish the comrades. Comrade.Marudhiyan thanked them and said, “The distance between us and the shop is just 50 yards. But the distance between the understandings of the people on the menace of MNC’s in retail sector and the reality is far more. Our motto at present of this struggle is to reduce that gap. If reliance to be put down, then Koyambedu should rise up!”

The false and confused ideas ruling the minds of people that deter them to foray were not formed by Ambani. These ideas were thrust in by the ruling class, media and political parties with the implementation of Recolonisation from the last decade. When the traders alone raise the slogan to oust the MNC’s, Reliance masquerades in ‘quality and cheaper prices’ and lures the people. But when the fight begins as a fight against Recolonisation then the slogan will become a people’s slogan and the definite moment will arrive.

The recent, spontaneous, laudable struggle of Ranchi vendors shows the desperation of the small vendor class. The land of Birsa Munda atlast showed the way to the country. These struggles should be organised and shouldn’t be allowed to be corrupted with decomposed political parties. People’s movements should be channelised as movements against Recolonisation as a whole and not to fade away as scattered and spontaneous.

photographs of the protest on M ay 01,2007 at Chennai:






*Watch the Video in this post. Thanks to Karumpalakai.

* To read the tamil press clips of the protest read here.
* To read the tamil summary of the thought-provoking speech by Comrade Marudhaiyan, General Secretary, PALA in Public meeting on 27-04-07, read here .
*To hear the speech, click here
From arasubalraj.blogspot.com

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Irony………………………….

Posted by Indian Vanguard on April 28, 2007

Courtesy: Bhumkal Bastar

Scoroll Down…..






This is also the story of a great nation called India……

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The world we live..

Posted by Indian Vanguard on April 28, 2007

Courtesy: Bhumkal Bastar

Scoroll Down…..






This is also the story of a great nation called India……

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Com: Chandramouli- Photos

Posted by Indian Vanguard on March 26, 2007

Chandramouli, a central committee member of the CPI(Maoist), was killed by police in a fake encouter(27 December 2006). He joined the erstwhile CPI-ML( PW) in 1980 after completing his Intermediate in Sultanabad. He was a native of Vadukapur in Julapalli mandal of Karimnagar district. He worked in the party in various levels for more than 25 years.



An old photo

Police officers paying Homages to the martyred comrades.

Com: V. Chanramouli and com: Karuna (35)

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CPIM goons were involved in Nandigram Massacre

Posted by Indian Vanguard on March 21, 2007


Nandigram, March 21: Even as a CBI team continued its investigations into the Nandigram firing it is becoming increasingly apparent that a large number of `armed outsiders` were involved in the clash which claimed 14 lives.

The CBI investigations made a major breakthrough two days ago by arresting ten persons hiding in a brick kiln and seizing a huge cache of arms and ammunition from them.

A member of the CBI team said on condition of anonymity that none of the arrested belonged to Nandigram and had arrived from outside.

They were also caught with arms generally not used by the state security forces, he said.

The revelation contradicts the official theory that the clash took place when the police were attacked by villagers and fired in self defence killing 14 persons and injuring scores on March 14.

To a question, the CBI team member also confirmed that a large number of spent bullets, recovered from the clash site did not belong to the category generally used by the police. The bullets were used in countrymade weapons or by hunters.

Although local CPI(M) leaders here are strongly denying the involvement of their activists, it was gradually becoming clear that those arrested by the CBI were party workers and a leader, Naru Maity, is a known CPI(M) activist.

Naru`s father Debashis Maity has told the media that his son was an active CPI(M) member, but expressed ignorance about his involvement in the clash at Nandigram.

The senior Maity, who lives in a different village – Patashpur, also said had he known about Naru`s plans on the fateful day, he would not have allowed him to go there.

He also conceded that the rest of those arrested along with Naru Maity were all CPI(M) activists.

A lawyer, who was present at the Contai First Judicial Magistrate court, where all ten arrested were produced on Sunday, also said that the accused had conceded they were CPI(M) activists.

All the ten accused have been booked under the Arms Act and have been sent to four days police remand and their statement to the police would be crucial in the case which has evoked nationwide interest.

The 25-member CBI team, which is inquiring into Nandigram incident at the directive of the Calcutta High Court, is expected to submit its preliminary report to its New Delhi office, which would then be submitted to the High Court. ZEE NEWS

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CPI(Maoist) 9th Congress photos

Posted by Indian Vanguard on March 19, 2007






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Lurching Towards A Crisis

Posted by Indian Vanguard on March 16, 2007

The killing of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) Member of Parliament (MP) Sunil Mahato on March 4 bore all the elements of a typical Maoist ‘surprise attack’. As the 38-year old MP watched a football match organised to mark the Holi festival at Bakuria village in Jharkhand’s East Singhbhum district, cadres of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) numbering around 40-45, including women members, who were already present among the spectators, suddenly overpowered the bodyguards, snatched their weapons and fired at the MP, his associates and his bodyguards. The MP was killed on the spot along with one of his party colleagues and two bodyguards, while another party colleague succumbed to his injuries subsequently. The Naxalites raised slogans before leaving with four INSAS rifles and ammunition looted from the guards.


The CPI-Maoist on March 6 claimed responsibility for the killing by putting up handwritten posters in the villages of Hadia and Lango areas under the jurisdiction of Ghorabandh police station in Dhanbad district, far from the site of the killings, thus arousing suspicions that Mahato could have been the victim of his personal rivalry with the Mafia, not the Maoists. The posters, however, claimed that Mahato had instigated villagers at Lango to kill 11 Maoists, and further that Mahato was killed for two reasons: for telling contractors not to pay ‘tax’ to the Maoists; and, for supporting the anti-Maoist movement being led by the Nagrik Suraksha Samiti (Citizens Defence Committee) in East Singhbhum and West Singhbhum districts. The posters declared: “He instigated innocent tribals. He asked them to kill us with arrows. We killed him with bullets.”


Unlike the Jharkhand government, which preferred an inquiry by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) into the killing, the union government was convinced of the fact that the act was the handiwork of the Maoists. Union home secretary, V.K. Duggal, stated on March 5, “Apparently, it looks like retaliatory action because as a key functionary of the Nagarik Suraksha Samiti, Mahato had been raising his voice against Naxals.” The union minister of home affairs, Shivraj Patil, in a suo moto statement in the Rajya Sabha on May 6, before the Maoist posters claimed responsibility for the killing, provided a vivid description of Mahato’s assassination. He also spoke of the customary reinforcements, ‘sealing’ of borders and combing operations to nab the culprits.


It was, however, nobody’s belief that Mahato’s killers would actually be caught. There is even less faith that the unlikely event of their arrest could dent the reign of the Maoists in Jharkhand. While the ministry of home affairs (MHA) maintains that Left Wing extremism in the country has declined by 6.15 percent from 1,608 incidents in 2005 to 1,509 in 2006, fatalities in Jharkhand have actually risen from 119 in 2005 to 124 in 2006, though this rise is marginal. According to an estimate in August 2006, as many as 21 of the 22 districts of Jharkhand were affected (highly affected – 12, moderately affected – 4, marginally affected – 5) by Left Wing extremism. [There are wide variations in these estimates. While the MHA maintains that only 16 districts are affected, the Jharkhand Chief Minister Madhu Koda in December 2006 stated that 18 of the state’s districts are affected.]


Interestingly, the East Singhbhum district, where Mahato was killed, was in the ‘moderately affected’ category. Intelligence inputs indicate that most districts affected by the Maoist movement are in the “mass mobilization” stage, but pockets in the state are now in the advanced “guerrilla warfare stage”. Jharkhand is the part of the CPI-Maoist’s Eastern regional bureau that looks after Assam, West Bengal, Jharkhand and the Coastal belt.


The state is also an integral part of the Compact Revolutionary Zone (CRZ) and the ‘Red Corridor’ that runs along India’s eastern board, from Andhra Pradesh to the border with Nepal.

Mahato’s killing was preceded by several operations by the Maoists in the state, in the first two months of 2007 alone. On February 5, a group of 200 CPI-Maoist cadres attempted to overrun a Police picket at Lawalong in the Chatra district. In the ensuing encounter a civilian was killed and two others were injured. On February 27, CPI-Maoist cadres detonated an explosive device and destroyed an under-construction building of the state Tourism Department at Madhuvan in Giridih district. The Maoists had warned against the construction, but the government had chosen to go ahead. Earlier, on January 23, a consignment containing spares for arms, including assemblies for mortars, sent from Indore in Madhya Pradesh to the CPI-Maoist ‘area commander’ Rajendra Oraon, was seized from a private transport firm in Ranchi. A man, identified as Prabhu Sao, was arrested in this connection.

The preceding year, too, was no exception. Major attacks by the Maoists in Jharkhand in 2006 included the following.

June 1: At least 12 police personnel were killed when CPI-Maoist cadres triggered a landmine explosion in the West Singhbhum district.

June 3: Maoists killed three civilians in the Hadian village under the Ghorabandha Police Station of East Singhbhum district.

June 26: At least 400 Maoists attacked a Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) camp, killing one CRPF man in the Hazaribagh district.

December 2: Fourteen police personnel belonging to the Special Task Force of the Jharkhand Police were killed and three injured in a landmine blast detonated by suspected CPI-Maoist cadres at Kanchkir in the Bokaro district.

December 10: CPI-Maoist cadres stopped the 346 Tata-Kharagpur passenger train near the Kanimouli Station on the Gidhni-Chakulia line in the East Singhbhum district bordering West Bengal for about two hours. Maoists also looted two rifles and cash from the Railway Protection Force personnel escorting the train, and snatched walkie-talkie sets from the guard and driver of the train.

Mahato’s killing could just be the starting point for the escalation of the Maoist ‘people’s war’ through out the country, which appeared to have weakened temporarily. Premonitions of such a trend were provided by a statement released by the CPI-Maoist on February 19, 2007, to mark the successful completion of the outfit’s ‘Unity Congress’ in January-February 2007 at an unspecified location (widely speculated to be in Jharkhand). The statement declared:

The Unity Congress… resolved to advance the people’s war throughout the country, further strengthen the people’s army, deepen the mass base of the party and wage a broad-based militant mass movement against the neo-liberal policies of globalization, liberalization, privatization pursued by the reactionary ruling classes under the dictates of imperialism.

The conclave, attended by 100 senior Maoist leaders from 16 states, re-elected Muppala Lakshman Rao @ Ganapathi as the ‘General Secretary’ of the Party. Ganapathi is reported to have remarked: “No more hit and run. Now time has come to spread in the towns and identify specific targets, hit them precisely and with impunity.” There is overwhelming apprehension that the Maoists have started finalizing plans for executing hits involving high-profile targets.


Jharkhand Chief Minister Madhu Koda, on March 6, indicated that the state was exploring options of adopting the ‘Andhra Pradesh model’ to tackle the Maoists, and also to “review the surrender policy for extremists.” Only a day later, on March 7, the Union Home Minister made a statement in the Lok Sabha (Lower House of the Indian Parliament) noting that Andhra Pradesh had achieved “note-worthy success in controlling the problem through Special Forces, namely, Greyhounds, and other measures”. However, given Jharkhand’s past record, replicating the ‘Andhra model’ is easier said than done.

Reports indicate that Jharkhand has not being following the directions laid down by the union government for Left Wing extremism-affected states. The Jharkhand Police has an alarming vacancy rate of 29 per cent and there has been little attempt by the state government to recruit additional personnel. The state also has a poor police-population ratio of 85 per 100,000, compared to the national average of 122. Similarly, the density of police personnel (policemen per 100 square kilometre area) in Jharkhand is 30.8 against an all India average of 42.4. Given the fact that nearly 30 per cent of the state’s geographical area of 79,714 square kilometres is forested and consequently virtually un-policed, such a profile of the state’s Police Force can hardly make the task of countering the Maoists easier.

In addition, the state government is known to have failed to utilize the central funds released under the Police modernization scheme. According to the MHA, Rs 1.827 billion were provided to Jharkhand in six financial years between 2000 and 2006 under the scheme. Utilization has, however, been abysmal. In 2004-05, for instance, the utilization of the Rs 220 million released was a minuscule 7.33 per cent.

Jharkhand appears to have faltered miserably in executing the development schemes that the union government supports in the Left Wing extremism affected districts. The state has an unutilised balance of Rs 2.4 billion allotted to it under the Backwards districts Initiative (BDI) component of the Rashtriya Sam Vikas Yojana (RSVY) and other schemes to fill in the critical gaps in physical and social development. Under the BDI Scheme, an amount of Rs 150 million per year is sanctioned for each Maoist affected district for three years. The state government shares 25 percent of the expense on BDI. There have also been allegations of widespread corruption in the implementation of schemes like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS). Interestingly, lack of finance has never been cited as a reason for the poor implementation of projects by the Jharkhand government.

In a way, Jharkhand represents all that’s currently lacking in most of the states affected by Maoist activities. Union home minister Patil, on March 6 informed the Rajya Sabha that a strong mechanism for ‘monitoring’ Left Wing extremist activities had been put in place. However, as the Maoists bid to intensify the peoples’ war throughout the country, there appears to be little hope that a comparable mechanism will emerge that goes beyond a role that simply ‘monitors’ to one that effectively counters the extremist depredations.



Bibhu Prasad Routray is Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management. Courtesy, the South Asia Intelligence Review of the South Asia Terrorism Portal

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Pictures from Nandigram

Posted by Indian Vanguard on March 15, 2007

A man with a bullet wound is carried to hospital in the Indian town of Nandigram following violent protests over government plans to build an industrial park on farmers’ land. Photograph: AP


Some old picture



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Comrades at odds

Posted by Indian Vanguard on March 13, 2007

HIMAL SOUTHASIAN


PEOPLE’S MARCH
Naxalite rally

The differences were bound to surface. As Nepali Maobaadis embark on the thorny road to mainstream politics after a decade-long stint as armed revolutionaries, ripples can be felt across the Naxalite realm in India. In a scathing critique of the Nepali rebel leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal (aka ‘Prachanda’), Communist Party of India (Maoist) spokesperson ‘Comrade Azad’ has attacked the Nepali Maoists for deviating from the revolutionary goal of attaining ‘People’s Democracy’.

Azad accused the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) of collaborating with ‘bourgeoisie’ and revisionist parties, and giving up the ideal of an armed overthrow of the feudal state. The disagreement, coming from ideological co-travelers in two Southasian states, assumes critical importance in light of alarm about linkages between ultra-left groups in the region, something that Indian intelligence agencies in particular like to play up.

Left parties, of both parliamentary and revolutionary hues, have a history of bitter feuds and endless divisions. The current phase of ultra-leftist confrontation in Southasia may have been triggered by the Nepali Maobaadi decision to engage with other parties of Nepal. At a more fundamental level, it may also be about a clash of perceptions regarding global and country-specific situations, and the possibilities of revolution.

But mostly the Naxalite ire seems to stem from the leadership’s fear of loss of power and prestige, when the much-romanticised Nepali Maobaadi decided to give up the class war. Just as the mainstream Left in India headed by the CPI (M) was worried that the success of the Maobaadi would give energy to the Naxalites, the latter are now worried about the message that Dahal’s compromises will be sending to their flock.

The rift


A year ago this August, at a party plenum, the CPN (M) decided to enter multiparty politics. This decision stemmed from the realisation that neither a military takeover nor a one-party setup was possible in Nepal. The regional and global context, primarily the presence and attitude of India and the continuing frailty of the international communist movement, meant that any ultra-left regime would be difficult to sustain. Gyanendra’s coup of 1 February 2005 provided the Maoists with an opportunity to join an opposition movement, led by mainstream parties, against an autocratic monarch. In the aftermath of the historic People’s Movement, the Maoists are engaged in a process that can provide a rare example of an entrenched insurgency entering competitive politics.

It is this tilt of the Maobaadis, and the various reasons that propelled the change, that now has the Naxalites across the border, so to speak, up in arms. Dahal’s advice to the Naxalites to rethink their strategy and adopt the parliamentary path, clearly stated in an interview in The Hindu newspaper, seems to have raised the hackles of the Indian revolutionaries. Azad’s riposte, which took some time coming, sought to question this understanding and the re-orientation of the Maobaadis.

The criticism hinges on several issues. The Naxalites believe that the Nepali Maoists should have continued with the task of expanding their base areas, and not compromised with reactionary parties; that the Maobaadis’ tendency to let the ‘sub-stage’ of bourgeoisie democracy dominate the path of revolution was a mistake; that the Maobaadi should not be so desperate to engage with the UN as they have been; and that the quest for an armed overthrow is crucial because only complete destruction of the state and ruling classes can bring about real change.

Azad and his comrades argue that international conditions – the rise of anti-Americanism, the devastating impact of neo-liberal policies, and the spurt in people’s movements have brightened the prospects for an armed insurrection. Caught in a somewhat different geopolitical context in Nepal – plus in a terrain where it was easy to conduct an insurgency but difficult to sustain it once it had achieved a certain scale – Dahal’s assessment now seems to differ significantly from that of his Indian comrades.

Impossible revolution


A couple of weeks after Azad’s outburst became public, the Naxalites and the Maobaadi released a joint statement expressing solidarity and asserting that their differences revolved around tactical, not fundamental, questions. Even that last-ditch attempt to maintain a shred of unity revealed the deep difference between the two groups.

The Naxalites may have spread to 160 districts in India; the Indian Home Ministry may have raised the alarm and instigated Manmohan Singh to categorise them as the country’s largest internal security threat. But the revolution is not about to happen in India. There can be a strong ethical case made for the inherent wrong in the use of violence for political ends. But from a purely pragmatic perspective as well – and we shudder at the reaction this simple statement is going to arouse – it would be prudent for the Naxalite leadership to realise the futility of the path.

The Indian Naxalite reach is confined to select areas, especially forests. Their capacity to overthrow state structures barely reaches divisional headquarters. Their base is confined to tribal populations and in a few areas to landless labourers; in the absence of support among either the peasantry or industrial workers, it is difficult to fathom how the revolution will come. The overwhelming might of the Indian State and states; the accommodative nature of India’s democracy, with a proven ability to co-opt disenchanted groups; irreversible economic change and a powerful constituency that favours it; and the international politico-economic situation – all these make Naxalite rhetoric about the inevitability of revolution unconvincing.

The Naxalites are not only challenged in expanding their support base. Their programme and actions also leave room for scepticism. After all, the targets of their attacks are those groups ideologically closest to them – primarily the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation and the mainstream Communist Party of India (Marxist). The Naxalites do little to support grassroots people’s movements, nor do they rush to protect the hard-won rights of such campaigns. Where, after all, are the Naxalites when it comes to India’s National Rural Employment Guarantee Act or the Right to Information? It is also striking how they have carefully avoided political contest with rightwing Hindu fundamentalist outfits. Meanwhile, the Naxalite role in fighting imperialism is limited to publishing rhetorical statements.

If anyone has some learning to do, it is the Naxalites of India. The Nepali Maobaadi, to their credit, are trying to shed the bane of most ultra-left movements: dogma. Even as the transition in Nepal throws up its own challenges, the Naxalites and their sympathisers will hopefully realise that there is little to be gained from rocking the Nepali boat from the outside. Let the experiment of the Nepali Maobaadi continue, even as Naxalite groups of India seek their own ‘safe landing’.

At a time when urban middle classes are romancing the United States and jumping on the consumerist bandwagon, what the people of India need is a broad, non-violent Left movement comprising different groups – not dreams of a revolution that is not to be.

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CPI(Maoist) Leaders

Posted by Indian Vanguard on March 5, 2007


Com.Narayan Sanyal CPI(Maoist) PolitBuero Member.
Now in Chhattisgarh jail.
Com.Ramakrishana.
Central Committe Member.

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